Some interesting points here.
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfr ... servatives
Labour didn’t lose its ‘red wall’ – it never had one
But it strongly identifies Red Wall with working class. Is that what was meant by it? I thought the point was that the Red Wall voted Labour despite having lots of white home owners- people who don't vote Labour in other areas?
The phenomenon of a working-class red wall is an ideological concoction that benefits Labour’s enemies. It makes little sociological or psephological sense today, and the fragment of the past it reflects is one of Tory working classes. Yet this group has come to define how Labour thinks of the working class
Agree the first part- the Tories are getting away with overstating their working class support, and Kippers like talking this bollocks. But is Labour really "defining the working class"? Isn't it just saying "we lost a lot of votes from these places, let's try and get them back"? What are they supposed to do? Lots of those voters liked Brexit and didn't like Corbyn.
In fact, he doesn''t seem to bother much with how FPTP works.
Indeed, once we look beyond the fallacious, Westminster-centric view of elections, which measures the popularity of a party according to how many seats they get rather than their share of the vote, a very different story of Labour leaders’ political success emerges. In 1997 Tony Blair did as well (but no better) than Hugh Gaitskill did in 1959, but Blair won a huge parliamentary majority whereas Gaitskell lost seats.
Fallacious Westminster centric? As my old teacher used to say when confronted by a particularly lame explanation for fucking homework up, "Write that on your GCSE paper". And there's no account of third parties there. The Lib Dems got loads of votes in 1997-2005 from people who would, one presumes, have voted Labour if they'd been the close local competitor. Above all, the Tories matter. Lots of the electorate aren't sitting around waiting to hear from the Labour leader.
And since 1970 there have been two powerful upswings in Labour’s vote share, which increased from 1983 to a peak in 1997 (44%), and from a nadir in 2010 to the second peak in 2017 (41%). Blair and Corbyn both increased Labour’s share nationally, and in all kinds of seats. In Hartlepool Labour’s recent vote share peaked in 1997 and 2017, in Batley and Spen in 2001 and 2017. There were deep troughs in 1983 and 2010. It is, tellingly, the same story in southern Chesham and Amersham – troughs in 1983 and 2010 and peaks in 1997 and 2017.
No surprise that voteshare goes up everywhere when a party does well- who said that it didn't? But what about distribution? Lots of people called out from the start that Corbyn was going to be bad for vote distribution. Sure, Hartlepool and Batley-Spen went well in 2017. Lots of other seats swung Tory and some were gained by them. A lot more would have been too, if May hadn't fucked up more than any campaign ever.
Labour's got to respond to the voting system, not just say it's "perverse" or whatever.